HAS
the party of Lincoln just nominated a racist to be president? We
shouldn’t toss around such accusations lightly, so I’ve looked back over
more than 40 years of Donald Trump’s career to see what the record
says.
One
early red flag arose in 1973, when President Richard Nixon’s Justice
Department — not exactly the radicals of the day — sued Trump and his
father, Fred Trump, for systematically discriminating against blacks in
housing rentals.
I’ve
waded through 1,021 pages of documents from that legal battle, and they
are devastating. Donald Trump was then president of the family real
estate firm, and the government amassed overwhelming evidence that the
company had a policy of discriminating against blacks, including those
serving in the military.
To
prove the discrimination, blacks were repeatedly dispatched as testers
to Trump apartment buildings to inquire about vacancies, and white
testers were sent soon after. Repeatedly, the black person was told that
nothing was available, while the white tester was shown apartments for
immediate rental.
A
former building superintendent working for the Trumps explained that he
was told to code any application by a black person with the letter C,
for colored, apparently so the office would know to reject it. A Trump
rental agent said the Trumps wanted to rent only to “Jews and
executives,” and discouraged renting to blacks.
Donald
Trump furiously fought the civil rights suit in the courts and the
media, but the Trumps eventually settled on terms that were widely
regarded as a victory for the government. Three years later, the
government sued the Trumps again, for continuing to discriminate.
In
fairness, those suits date from long ago, and the discriminatory
policies were probably put in place not by Donald Trump but by his
father. Fred Trump appears to have been arrested at a Ku Klux Klan rally
in 1927; Woody Guthrie, who lived in a Trump property in the 1950s,
lambasted Fred Trump in recently discovered papers for stirring racial hatred.
Yet
even if Donald Trump inherited his firm’s discriminatory policies, he
allied himself decisively in the 1970s housing battle against the civil
rights movement.
Another
revealing moment came in 1989, when New York City was convulsed by the
“Central Park jogger” case, a rape and beating of a young white woman.
Five black and Latino teenagers were arrested.
Trump
stepped in, denounced Mayor Ed Koch’s call for peace and bought
full-page newspaper ads calling for the death penalty. The five
teenagers spent years in prison before being exonerated. In retrospect,
they suffered a modern version of a lynching, and Trump played a part in
whipping up the crowds.
As
Trump moved into casinos, discrimination followed. In the 1980s,
according to a former Trump casino worker, Kip Brown, who was quoted
by The New Yorker: “When Donald and Ivana came to the casino, the
bosses would order all the black people off the floor. … They put us all
in the back.”
In
1991, a book by John O’Donnell, who had been president of the Trump
Plaza Hotel and Casino in Atlantic City, quoted Trump as criticizing a
black accountant and saying: “Black guys counting my money! I hate it.
The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys that
wear yarmulkes every day. … I think that the guy is lazy. And it’s
probably not his fault, because laziness is a trait in blacks. It really
is, I believe that. It’s not anything they can control.” O’Donnell
wrote that for months afterward, Trump pressed him to fire the black
accountant, until the man resigned of his own accord.
Trump eventually denied making those comments. But in 1997 in a Playboy interview, he conceded “the stuff O’Donnell wrote about me is probably true.”
The
recent record may be more familiar: Trump’s suggestions that President
Obama was born in Kenya; his insinuations that Obama was admitted to Ivy
League schools only because of affirmative action; his denunciations
of Mexican immigrants as, “in many cases, criminals, drug dealers,
rapists”; his calls for a temporary ban on Muslims entering the United
States; his dismissal of an American-born judge of Mexican ancestry as a
Mexican who cannot fairly hear his case; his reluctance
to distance himself from the Ku Klux Klan in a television interview;
his retweet of a graphic suggesting that 81 percent of white murder
victims are killed by blacks (the actual figure is about 15 percent);
and so on.
Trump has also retweeted messages
from white supremacists or Nazi sympathizers, including two from an
account called @WhiteGenocideTM with a photo of the American Nazi
Party’s founder.
Trump
repeatedly and vehemently denies any racism, and he has deleted some
offensive tweets. The Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi racist website that has endorsed Trump, sees that as going “full-wink-wink-wink.”
(Update:
After this column was published, the Trump campaign emailed me the
following statement: “Donald Trump has a lifetime record of inclusion
and has publicly rebuked groups who seek to discriminate against others
on numerous occasions. To suggest otherwise is a complete fabrication of
the truth.”)
My
view is that “racist” can be a loaded word, a conversation stopper more
than a clarifier, and that we should be careful not to use it simply as
an epithet. Moreover, Muslims and Latinos can be of any race, so some
of those statements technically reflect not so much racism as bigotry.
It’s also true that with any single statement, it is possible that Trump
misspoke or was misconstrued.
And yet.
Here
we have a man who for more than four decades has been repeatedly
associated with racial discrimination or bigoted comments about
minorities, some of them made on television for all to see. While any
one episode may be ambiguous, what emerges over more than four decades
is a narrative arc, a consistent pattern — and I don’t see what else to
call it but racism.
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