PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you very much. Please, please have a seat. Thank you. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Chicago!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Chicago — (laughter.)
Hello, Greece! (Applause.) Yia
sas! Kalispera! To the government and the people of Greece — including
Prime Minister Tsipras, who I thank for his partnership and for being
here, along with so many young people, the future of Greece — I want to
thank you for your warm and generous welcome.
As many of you know, this is my
final trip overseas as President of the United States, and I was
determined, on my last trip, to come to Greece — partly because I’ve
heard about the legendary hospitality of the Greek people — your
philoxenia. (Applause.) Partly because I had to see the Acropolis and
the Parthenon. But also because I came here with gratitude for all that
Greece — “this small, great world” — has given to humanity through the
ages.
Our hearts have been moved by the
tragedies of Aeschylus and Euripides. Our minds have been opened by the
histories of Herodotus and Thucydides. Our understanding of the world
and our place in it has been expanded by Socrates and Aristotle.
In the United States, we’re
especially grateful for the friendship of so many proud Greek
Americans. In my hometown of Chicago — (applause) — you can find them
in Greektown, with their foustanellas. (Laughter.) And together, we’ve
celebrated Greek Independence Day at the White House. We’ve had some
spanakopita and some ouzo. (Laughter.) Greek Americans have worn the
uniform to keep our country free. Greek Americans have marched with Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr. to make us more just. Greek or American, we’re
all cheering for Giannis Antetokounmpo — (applause) — who seems to be
getting better each year. And if anyone seeks an example of our shared
spirit, our resilience, they need look no further than New York City,
near Ground Zero, where the Greek Orthodox church of St. Nicholas, once
in ruins, is now rising again.
Most of all, we’re indebted to
Greece for the most precious of gifts — the truth, the understanding
that as individuals of free will, we have the right and the capacity to
govern ourselves. (Applause.) For it was here, 25 centuries ago, in
the rocky hills of this city, that a new idea emerged. Demokratia.
(Applause.) Kratos — the power, the right to rule — comes from demos —
the people. The notion that we are citizens — not servants, but
stewards of our society. The concept of citizenship — that we have both
rights and responsibilities. The belief in equality before the law —
not just for a few, but for the many; not just for the majority, but
also the minority. These are all concepts that grew out of this rocky
soil.
Of course, the earliest forms of
democracy here in Athens were far from perfect — just as the early forms
of democracy in the United States were far from perfect. The rights of
ancient Athens were not extended to women or to slaves. But Pericles
explained, “our constitution favors the many instead of the few…this is
why it is called a democracy.”
Athenians also knew that, however
noble, ideas alone were not enough. To have meaning, principles must be
enshrined in laws and protected by institutions, and advanced through
civic participation. And so they gathered in a great assembly to debate
and decide affairs of state, each citizen with the right to speak,
casting their vote with a show of hands, or choosing a pebble — white
for yes, black for no. Laws were etched in stone for all to see and
abide by. Courts, with citizen jurors, upheld that rule of law.
Politicians weren’t always happy
because sometimes the stones could be used to ostracize, banish those
who did not behave themselves.
But across the millennia that
followed, different views of power and governance have often prevailed.
Throughout human history, there have been those who argue that people
cannot handle democracy, that they cannot handle self-determination,
they need to be told what to do. A ruler has to maintain order through
violence or coercion or an iron fist. There’s been a different concept
of government that says might makes right, or that unchecked power can
be passed through bloodlines. There’s been the belief that some are
superior by virtue of race or faith or ethnicity, and those beliefs so
often have been used to justify conquest and exploitation and war.
But through all this history, the
flame first lit here in Athens never died. It was ultimately nurtured
by a great Enlightenment. It was fanned by America’s founders, who
declared that “We, the People” shall rule; that all men are created
equal and endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights.
Now, at times, even today, those
ideals are challenged. We’ve been told that these are Western ideals.
We’ve been told that some cultures are not equipped for democratic
governance and actually prefer authoritarian rule. And I will say that
after eight years of being President of the United States, having
traveled around the globe, it is absolutely true that every country
travels its own path, every country has its own traditions. But what I
also believe, after eight years, is that the basic longing to live with
dignity, the fundamental desire to have control of our lives and our
future, and to want to be a part of determining the course of our
communities and our nations — these yearnings are universal. They burn
in every human heart.
It’s why a Greek bishop atop a
mountain raised the flag of independence. It’s why peoples from the
Americas to Africa to Asia threw off the yoke of colonialism. It’s why
people behind an Iron Curtain marched in Solidarity, and tore down that
wall, and joined you in a great union of democracies. It’s why, today,
we support the right of Ukrainians to choose their own destiny; why we
partner with Tunisians and the people of Myanmar as they make historic
transitions to democracy.
This has been my foreign policy
during my presidency. By necessity, we work with all countries, and
many of them are not democracies. Some of them are democracies in the
sense they have elections, but not democracies in the sense of actually
permitting participation and dissent. But our trajectory as a country
has been to support the efforts of those who believe in self-governance,
who believe in those ideas that began here so many years ago.
And it is not simply a matter of us
being true to our values. It’s not just a matter of idealism. I
believe it is practical for the United States to support democracies.
(Applause.) Because history shows us that countries with democratic
governance tend to be more just, and more stable, and more successful.
Open, democratic societies can
deliver more prosperity –because when people are free to think for
themselves and share ideas and discover and create — the young people
who are here, what they’re able to do through the Internet and
technology, that’s when innovation is unleashed, when economies truly
flourish. That’s when new products, and new services, and new ideas
wash through an economy. In contrast to regimes that rule by coercion,
democracies are rooted in consent of the governed
— citizens know that there’s a path for
peaceful change, including the moral force of nonviolence. And that
brings a stability that so often can facilitate economic growth.
The history of the past two
centuries indicates that democracies are less likely to fight wars among
themselves. So more democracy is good for the people of the world, but
it’s also good for our national security. Which is why America’s
closest friends are democracies — like Greece. It’s why we stand
together in NATO — an alliance of democracies.
In recent years, we’ve made historic
investments in NATO, increased America’s presence in Europe, and
today’s NATO — the world’s greatest alliance — is as strong and as ready
as it’s ever been. And I am confident that just as America’s
commitment to the transatlantic alliance has endured for seven decades
–whether it’s been under a Democratic or Republican administration —
that commitment will continue, including our pledge and our treaty
obligation to defend every ally.
Our democracies show that we’re
stronger than terrorists, and fundamentalists, and absolutists who can’t
tolerate difference, can’t tolerate ideas that vary from their own, who
try to change people’s way of life through violence and would make us
betray or shrink from our values. Democracy is stronger than
organizations like ISIL.
Because our democracies are
inclusive, we’re able to welcome people and refugees in need to our
countries. And nowhere have we seen that compassion more evident than
here in Greece. (Applause.) The Greek people’s generosity towards
refugees arriving on your shores has inspired the world. That doesn’t
mean that you should be left on your own — (applause)
— and only a truly collective response
by Europe and the world can ensure that these desperate people receive
the support that they need. Greece cannot be expected to bear the bulk
of the burden alone — but the fact that your democracy opens your heart
to people in need in a way that might not otherwise be the case.
Just as democracies are premised on
the peaceful resolution of disagreements within our societies, we also
believe that cooperation and dialogue is the best way to address
challenges between nations. And so it is my belief that democracies are
more likely to try to resolve conflicts between nations in a way that
does not result in war. That’s how, with diplomacy, we were able to
shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot. With
diplomacy, the United States opened relations with Cuba. (Applause.)
With diplomacy, we joined Greece and nearly 200 nations in the most
ambitious agreement ever to save our planet from climate change.
(Applause.)
And speaking of climate change, I
would point out that there is a connection between democracy and
science. The premise of science is that we observe and we test our
hypotheses, our ideas. We base decisions on facts, not superstition;
not what our ideology tells us, but rather what we can observe. And at a
time when the globe is shrinking and more and more we’re going to have
to take collective action to deal with problems like climate change, the
presence of a democratic debate allows the science to flourish and to
shape our collective responses.
Now, democracy, like all human
institutions, is imperfect. It can be slow; it can be frustrating; it
can be hard; it can be messy. Politicians tend to be unpopular in
democracies, regardless of party, because, by definition, democracies
require that you don’t get a hundred percent of what you want. It
requires compromise. Winston Churchill famously said that democracy is
the worst form of government — except for all the others. (Laughter.)
And in a multiethnic, multiracial, multicultural society, like the
United States, democracy can be especially complicated. Believe me, I
know. (Laughter.)
But it is better than the
alternatives because it allows us to peacefully work through our
differences and move closer to our ideals. It allows us to test new
ideas and it allows us to correct for mistakes. Any action by a
President, or any result of an election, or any legislation that has
proven flawed can be corrected through the process of democracy.
And throughout our history, it’s how
we have come to see that all people are created equal — even though,
when we were founded, that was not the case. We could work to expand
the rights that were established in our founding to African Americans,
and to women, to Americans with disabilities, to Native Americans; why
all Americans now have the freedom to marry the person they love.
(Applause.) It’s why we welcome people of all races and all religions
and all backgrounds, and immigrants who strive to give their children a
better life and who make our country stronger.
And so here, where democracy was
born, we affirm once more the rights and the ideals and the institutions
upon which our way of life endures. Freedom of speech and assembly —
because true legitimacy can only come from the people, who must never be
silenced. A free press to expose injustice and corruption and hold
leaders accountable. Freedom of religion — because we’re all equal in
the eyes of God. Independent judiciaries to uphold rule of law and
human rights. Separation of powers to limit the reach of any one branch
of government. Free and fair elections — because citizens must be able
to choose their own leaders, even if your candidate doesn’t always
win. (Laughter.)
We compete hard in campaigns in
America and here in Greece. But after the election, democracy depends
on a peaceful transition of power, especially when you don’t get the
result you want. (Applause.)
And as you may have noticed, the
next American president and I could not be more different. (Applause.)
We have very different points of view, but American democracy is bigger
than any one person. (Applause.) That’s why we have a tradition of
the outgoing president welcoming the new one in — as I did last week.
And why, in the coming weeks, my administration will do everything we
can to support the smoothest transition possible
— because that’s how democracy has to work. (Applause.)
And that’s why, as hard as it can be
sometimes, it’s important for young people, in particular, who are just
now becoming involved in the lives of their countries, to understand
that progress follows a winding path — sometimes forward, sometimes back
— but as long as we retain our faith in democracy, as long as we retain
our faith in the people, as long as we don’t waver from those central
principles that ensure a lively, open debate, then our future will be
okay, because it remains the most effective form of government ever
devised by man.
It is true, of course, over the last
several years that we’ve seen democracies faced with serious
challenges. And I want to mention two that have an impact here in
Greece, haven an impact in the United States, and are having an impact
around the world.
The first involves the paradox of a
modern, global economy. The same forces of globalization and technology
and integration that have delivered so much progress, have created so
much wealth, have also revealed deep fault lines. Around the world,
integration and closer cooperation, and greater trade and commerce, and
the Internet — all have improved the lives of billions of people —
lifted families from extreme poverty, cured diseases, helped people live
longer, gave them more access to education and opportunity than at any
time in human history.
I’ve often said to young people in
the United States, if you had to choose a moment in history to be born,
and you did not know ahead of time who you would be — you didn’t know
whether you were going to be born into a wealthy family or a poor
family, what country you’d be born, whether you were going to be a man
or a woman — if you had to choose blindly what moment you’d want to be
born you’d choose now. Because the world has never, collectively, been
wealthier, better educated, healthier, less violent than it is today.
That’s hard to imagine, given what we see in the news, but it’s true.
And a lot of that has to do with the developments of a integrated,
global economy.
But trends underway for decades have
meant that in many countries and in many communities there have been
enormous disruptions. Technology and automation mean that goods can be
produced with fewer workers. It means jobs and manufacturing can move
across borders where wages are lower or rights are less protected. And
that means that workers and unions oftentimes have less leverage to
bargain for better wages, better benefits, have more difficulty
competing in the global marketplace. Hardworking families worry their
kids may not be better off than they were because of this global
competition.
What we’ve also seen is that this
global integration is increasing the tendencies towards inequality, both
between nations and within nations, at an accelerated pace. And when
we see people — global elites, wealthy corporations — seemingly living
by a different set of rules, avoiding taxes, manipulating loopholes —
when the rich and the powerful appear to game the system and accumulate
vast wealth while middle and working-class families struggle to make
ends meet, this feeds a profound sense of injustice and a feeling that
our economies are increasingly unfair.
This inequality now constitutes one
of the greatest challenges to our economies and to our democracies. An
inequality that was once tolerated because people didn’t know how
unequal things were now won’t be tolerated because everybody has a
cellphone and can see how unequal things are. The awareness that people
have in the smallest African village, they can see how people in London
or New York are living. The poorest child in any of our countries now
has a sense of what other people have that they don’t. So not only is
there increasing inequality, but also there is greater awareness of
inequality. And that’s a volatile mix for our democracies.
And this is why addressing
inequality has been one of the key areas of focus for my economic
policy. In our countries, in America and in most advanced market
economies, we want people to be rewarded for their achievement. We
think that people should be rewarded if they come up with a new product
or a new service that is popular and helps a lot of people. But when a
CEO of a company now makes more money in a single day than a typical
worker does in an entire year, when it’s harder for workers to climb
their way up the economic ladder, when they see a factory close that
used to support an entire city or town, fuels the feeling that
globalization only benefits those at the top. And the reaction can drag
down a country’s growth and make recessions more likely. It can also
lead to politics that create an unhealthy competition between
countries. Rather than a win-win situation, people perceive that if
you’re winning, I’m losing, and barriers come up and walls come up.
And in advanced economies, there are
at times movements from both the left and the right to put a stop to
integration, and to push back against technology, and to try to bring
back jobs and industries that have been disappearing for decades. So
this impulse to pull back from a globalized world is understandable. If
people feel that they’re losing control of their future, they will push
back. We have seen it here in Greece. We’ve seen it across Europe.
We’ve seen it in the United States. We saw it in the vote in Britain to
leave the EU.
But given the nature of technology,
it is my assertion that it’s not possible to cut ourselves off from one
another. We now are living in a global supply chain. Our growth comes
through innovation and ideas that are crossing borders all the time.
The jobs of tomorrow will inevitably be different from the jobs of the
past. So we can’t look backwards for answers, we have to look forward.
We cannot sever the connections that
have enabled so much progress and so much wealth. For when competition
for resources is perceived as zero-sum, we put ourselves on a path to
conflict both within countries and between countries. So I firmly
believe that the best hope for human progress remains open markets
combined with democracy and human rights. But I have argued that the
current path of globalization demands a course correction. In the years
and decades ahead, our countries have to make sure that the benefits of
an integrated global economy are more broadly shared by more people,
and that the negative impacts are squarely addressed. (Applause.)
And we actually know the path to
building more inclusive economies. It’s just we too often don’t have
the political will or desire to get it done. We know we need bold
policies that spur growth and support jobs. We know that we need to
give workers more leverage and better wages, and that, in fact, if you
give workers better wages businesses do better, too, because their
customers now have money to spend.
We know that we have to invest more
in our people — the education of our young people, the skills and
training to compete in the global economy. We have to make sure that it
is easy for young people who are eager to learn and eager to work to
get the education that they need, the training that they need, without
taking on huge amounts of debt.
We know that we have to encourage
entrepreneurship so that it’s easier to start a business and do
business. (Applause.) We know that we have to strengthen the social
compact so that the safety net that is available for people, including
quality health care and retirement benefits, are there even if people
aren’t working in the same job for 30 years, or 40 years, or 50 years.
We have to modernize our
infrastructure, which will put people back to work. We have to commit
to the science and research and development that sparks new industries.
In our trading relationships, we
have to make sure that trade works for us, and not against us. And that
means insisting on high standards in all countries to support jobs,
strong protections for workers, strong protections for the environment,
so that even as we freely trade, people and workers in all countries see
the benefits of trade in their own lives, not just benefits for the
bottom line of large, multinational corporations.
These are the kinds of policies,
this is the work that I’ve pursued throughout my time as President.
Keep in mind I took office in the midst of the worst crisis since the
Great Depression. And we pursued a recovery that has been shared now by
the vast majority of Americans. We put people back to work building
bridges and roads. (Applause.) We passed tax cuts for the middle
class. We asked the wealthiest Americans to pay a little more taxes —
their fair share. We intervened to save our auto industry, but insisted
that the auto industry become more energy efficient, produce better
cars that reduce pollution.
We put in place policies to help
students with loans and protect consumers from fraud. We passed the
strongest Wall Street reforms in history so that the excesses and abuses
that triggered the global financial crisis never happen again — or at
least don’t start on Wall Street.
And today, our businesses have
created more than 15 million new jobs. Incomes last year in America
rose faster than any time since 1968. Poverty fell at the fastest rate
since 1968. Inequality is being narrowed. And we’ve also begun to
close the pay gap between men and women.
We declared that health care in
America is a privilege not for the few, but a right for everybody.
Today our uninsured rate is at the lowest levels on record. And we’ve
done all this while doubling our production of clean energy, lowering
our carbon pollution faster than any advanced nation. So we’ve proven
that you can grow the economy and reduce the carbon emissions that cause
climate change at the same time. (Applause.)
Now, I say all this not because
we’ve solved every problem. Our work is far from complete. There are
still too many people in America who are worried about their futures.
Still too many people who are working at wages that don’t get them above
the poverty line. Still too many young people who don’t see
opportunity. But the policies I describe point the direction for where
we need to go in building inclusive economies. And that’s how
democracies can deliver the prosperity and hope that our people need.
And when people have opportunity and they feel confidence the future,
they are less likely to turn on each other and they’re less likely to
appeal to some of the darker forces that exist in all our societies —
those that can tear us apart.
Here in Greece, you’re undergoing
similar transformations. The first step has been to build a foundation
that allows you to return to robust economic growth. And we don’t need
to recount all the causes of the economic crisis here in Greece. If
we’re honest, we can acknowledge that it was a mix of both internal and
external forces. The Greek economy and the level of debt had become
unsustainable. And in this global economy, investment and jobs flow to
countries where governments are efficient, not bloated, where the rules
are clear. To stay competitive, to attract investment that creates
jobs, Greece had to start a reform process.
Of course, the world, I don’t think,
fully appreciates the extraordinary pain these reforms have involved,
or the tremendous sacrifices that you, the Greek people, have made.
I’ve been aware of it, and I’ve been proud of all that my administration
has done to try to support Greece in these efforts. (Applause.) And
part of the purpose of my visit is to highlight for the world the
important steps that have been taken here in Greece.
Today, the budget is back in
surplus. Parliament passed reforms to make the economy more
competitive. Yes, there is still much more work to do. I want to
commend Prime Minister Tsipras for the very difficult reforms his
government is pursuing to put the economy on a firmer footing. Now, as
Greece works to attract more investment, and to prevent old imbalances
from re-emerging, and to put your economy on a stronger foundation,
you’ll continue to have the full support of the United States.
At the same time, I will continue to
urge creditors to take the steps needed to put Greece on a path towards
sustained economic recovery. (Applause.) As Greece continues to
implement reforms, the IMF has said that debt relief will be crucial to
get Greece back to growth. They are right. It is important because if
reforms here are going to be sustained, people need to see hope, and
they need to see progress. And the young people who are in attendance
here today and all across the country need to know there is a future —
there is an education and jobs that are worthy of your incredible
potential. You don’t have to travel overseas, you can put roots right
here in your home, in Greece, and succeed. (Applause.)
And I’m confident that if you stay
the course, as hard as it has been, Greece will see brighter days.
Because, in this magnificent hall and center — this symbol of the Greek
culture and resilience — we’re reminded that just as your strength and
resolve have allowed you to overcome great odds throughout your history,
nothing can break the spirit of the Greek people. You will overcome
this period of challenge just as you have other challenges in the past.
So economics is something that will
be central to preserving our democracies. When our economies don’t
work, our democracies become distorted and, in some cases, break down.
But this brings me to another pressing challenge that our democracies
face — how do we ensure that our diverse, multicultural, multiracial,
multi-religious world and our diverse nations uphold both the rights of
individuals and a fundamental civic adherence to a common creed that
binds us together.
Democracy is simplest where
everybody thinks alike, looks alike, eats the same food, worships the
same God. Democracy becomes more difficult when there are people coming
from a variety of backgrounds and trying to live together. In our
globalized world, with the migration of people and the rapid movement of
ideas and cultures and traditions, we see increasingly this blend of
forces mixing together in ways that often enrich our societies but also
cause tensions.
In the Information Age, the
unprecedented exchange of information can always accentuate differences,
or seem to threaten cherished ways of life. It used to be that you
might not know how people in another part of your country, or in the
cities versus the countryside, were living. Now everybody knows how
everybody is living, and everybody can feel threatened sometimes if
people don’t do things exactly the way they do things. And they start
asking themselves questions about their own identity. And it can create
a volatile politics.
Faced with this new reality
where cultures clash, it’s inevitable that some will seek a comfort in
nationalism or tribe or ethnicity or sect. In countries that are held
together by borders that were drawn by colonial powers, including many
countries in the Middle East and in Africa, it can be tempting to fall
back on perceived safety of enclaves and tribal divisions.
In a world of widening
inequality, there’s a growing suspicion — or even disdain — for elites
and institutions that seem remote from the daily lives of ordinary
people. What an irony it is, at a time when we can reach out to people
in the most remote corners of the planet, so many citizens feel
disconnected from their own governments.
So, just as we have to have an
inclusive economic strategy, we have to have an exclusive political and
cultural strategy. In all of our capitals, we have to keep making
government more efficient, more effective in responding to the daily
needs to citizens. Governing institutions, whether in Athens, Brussels,
London, Washington, have to be responsive to the concerns of citizens.
People have to know that they’re being heard.
Here in Europe, even with
today’s challenges, I believe that by virtue of the progress it has
delivered over the decades — the stability it has provided, the security
it’s reinforced
— that European integration and the
European Union remains one of the great political and economic
achievements of human history. (Applause.) And today more than ever,
the world needs a Europe that is strong and prosperous and democratic.
But I think all institutions in
Europe have to ask themselves: How can we make sure that people within
individual countries feel as if their voices are still being heard,
that their identities are being affirmed, that the decisions that are
being made that will have a critical impact on their lives are not so
remote that they have no ability to impact them?
We have to make clear that
governments exist to serve the interest of citizens, and not the other
way around. And so this is why, as President of the United States, I’ve
pursued initiatives like the Open Government Partnership that promotes
transparency and accountability so that ordinary people know more about
the decisions that affect their lives. That’s why both at home and
around the world, we have taken steps to fight corruption that can rot a
society from within.
As authoritarian governments
work to close space that citizens depend upon to organize and have their
voices heard, we’ve begun the work of empowering civil society to
defend democratic values and promote solutions to the problems within
our communities. And as so many people around the world sometimes are
tempted by cynicism and not being involved because they think that
politicians and government don’t care about them, we’ve created networks
for young leaders and invested in young entrepreneurs, because we
believe that the hope and renewal of our societies begins with the
voices of youth. (Applause.)
In closing, our globalized
world is passing through a time of profound change. Yes, there is
uncertainty and there is unease, and none of us can know the future.
History does not move in a straight line. Civil rights in America did
not move in a straight line. Democracy in Greece did not move in a
straight line. The evolution of a unified Europe certainly has not
moved in a straight line. And progress is never a guarantee. Progress
has to be earned by every generation. But I believe history gives us
hope.
Twenty-five centuries after Athens
first pointed the way, 250 years after the beginning of the great
American journey, my faith and my confidence, my certainty in our
democratic ideals and universal values remain undiminished. I believe
more strongly than ever that Dr. King was right when he said that, “The
arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice.”
(Applause.) But it bends towards justice not because it is inevitable,
but because we bend it towards justice; not because there are not going
to be barriers to achieving justice, but because there will be people,
generation after generation, who have the vision and the courage and the
will to bend the arc of our lives in the direction of a better future.
In the United States, and in every
place I have visited these last eight years, I have met citizens,
especially young people, who have chosen hope over fear, who believe
that they can shape their own destiny, who refuse to accept the world as
it is and are determined to remake it as it should be. They have
inspired me.
In every corner of the world, I have
met people who, in their daily lives, demonstrate that despite
differences of race or religion or creed or color, we have the capacity
to see each other in ourselves. Like the woman here in Greece who said
of the refugees arriving on these shores, “We live under the same sun.
We fall in love under the same moon. We are all human — we have to help
these people.” Women like that give me hope. (Applause.)
In all of our communities, in all of
our countries, I still believe there’s more of what Greeks call
philotimo — (applause) — love and respect and kindness for family and
community and country, and a sense that we’re all in this together, with
obligations to each other. Philotimo — I see it every day — and that
gives me hope. (Applause.)
Because in the end, it is up to us.
It’s not somebody else’s job, it’s not somebody else’s responsibility,
but it’s the citizens of our countries and citizens of the world to bend
that arc of history towards justice.
And that’s what democracy allows us
to do. That’s why the most important office in any country is not
president or prime minister. The most important title is “citizen.”
(Applause.) And in all of our nations, it will always be our citizens
who decide the kind of countries we will be, the ideals that we will
reach for, and the values that will define us. In this great,
imperfect, but necessary system of self-government, power and progress
will always come from the demos — from “We, the people.” And I’m
confident that as long as we are true to that system of self-government,
that our futures will be bright.
Thank you very much. (Applause.) Zito I ellas. (Applause.)
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