ALWAYS HOPE FOR A BETTER FUTURE!
Follow the News with an open mind.
Never stop asking to find out the truth!
Criticisms / Disagreements lead to a better future.
Participation of all is the key.
This page is also a way to improve your English.
Be critical of the current president
Hello, everybody. In our house, everybody knows that President is only
the third-most important job in the family. So this weekend, I’m going
to take a little extra time to say thank you to Michelle for the
remarkable way she does the most important job: being a mom. And I’m
going to give extra thanks to my mother-in-law for the role model she’s
always been to Michelle and the countless selfless ways in which she’s
helped Michelle and me raise Malia and Sasha. I am incredibly lucky to
have women who help me raise, love, and look after our girls.
I hope you’ll also take a moment to say thank you to the women in your
life who love you in that special way mothers do. Biological moms,
adoptive moms, and foster moms; single moms, grandmoms and godmothers;
aunts and mentors – whomever you think of when you think of Mother’s
Day. Or take a moment, like I will, to remember the moms who raised us,
whose big hearts sustained us, and whom we miss every day, no matter
how old we get.
Giving flowers is always a good idea. But I hope that on this Mother’s
Day, we’ll recommit ourselves to doing more than that: Through deeds
that match our words, let’s give mothers the respect they deserve, give
all women the equality they deserve, and give all parents the support
they need in their most important roles.
That includes paid maternity and paternity leave, sick leave,
accommodations for workers who are pregnant, good health care,
affordable child care, flexibility at work, equal pay, and a decent
minimum wage. We ask our mothers to do more than their fair share of
just about everything. Making sure they’re treated fairly is the least
we can do.
The idea of setting aside a Sunday in May for our mothers became an
official holiday with a Congressional resolution a little more than 100
years ago. They did it on May 8 – the same day we’ll celebrate Mother’s
Day this year. If Congress can make a holiday, surely they can back it
up with the things that give it meaning. After all, that’s what my
mother taught me. I couldn’t just say I was going to do the right
thing, or say I agreed with it on principle. I had to actually do it.
So this Mother’s Day, say thank you. Say, “I love you.” And let’s
make sure we show that gratitude and appreciation through acts of
respect throughout the year. No one deserves that more than our moms.
Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
January 30, 2016
Hi everybody. As I said in my State of the Union address, we live in a
time of extraordinary change – change that’s affecting the way we live
and the way we work. New technology replaces any job where work can be
automated. Workers need more skills to get ahead. These changes aren’t
new, and they’re only going to accelerate. So the question we have to
ask ourselves is, “How can we make sure everyone has a fair shot at
success in this new economy?”
The answer to that question starts with education. That’s why my
Administration has encouraged states to raise standards. We’ve cut the
digital divide in our classrooms in half. We’ve worked with Congress to
pass a bipartisan bill to set the expectation that every student should
graduate from high school ready for college and a good job. And thanks
to the hard work of students, teachers, and parents across the country,
our high school graduation rate is at an all-time high.
Now we have to make sure all our kids are equipped for the jobs of the
future – which means not just being able to work with computers, but
developing the analytical and coding skills to power our innovation
economy. Today’s auto mechanics aren’t just sliding under cars to
change the oil; they’re working on machines that run on as many as 100
million lines of code. That’s 100 times more than the Space Shuttle.
Nurses are analyzing data and managing electronic health records.
Machinists are writing computer programs. And workers of all kinds need
to be able to figure out how to break a big problem into smaller pieces
and identify the right steps to solve it.
In the new economy, computer science isn’t an optional skill – it’s a
basic skill, right along with the three “Rs.” Nine out of ten parents
want it taught at their children’s schools. Yet right now, only about a
quarter of our K through 12 schools offer computer science. Twenty-two
states don’t even allow it to count toward a diploma.
So I’ve got a plan to help make sure all our kids get an opportunity to
learn computer science, especially girls and minorities. It’s called
Computer Science For All. And it means just what it says – giving every
student in America an early start at learning the skills they’ll need
to get ahead in the new economy.
First, I’m asking Congress to provide funding over the next three years
so that our elementary, middle, and high schools can provide
opportunities to learn computer science for all students.
Second, starting this year, we’re leveraging existing resources at the
National Science Foundation and the Corporation for National and
Community Service to train more great teachers for these courses.
And third, I’ll be pulling together governors, mayors, business
leaders, and tech entrepreneurs to join the growing bipartisan movement
around this cause. Americans of all kinds – from the Spanish teacher in
Queens who added programming to her classes to the young woman in New
Orleans who worked with her Police Chief to learn code and share more
data with the community – are getting involved to help young people
learn these skills. And just today, states like Delaware and Hawaii,
companies like Google and SalesForce, and organizations like Code.org
have made commitments to help more of our kids learn these skills.
That’s what this is all about – each of us doing our part to make sure
all our young people can compete in a high-tech, global economy.
They’re the ones who will make sure America keeps growing, keeps
innovating, and keeps leading the world in the years ahead. And they’re
the reason I’ve never been more confident about our future.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
Tonight marks the eighth year that I’ve come here to report on the State of the Union.
And for this final one, I’m going to try to make it a little shorter.
(Applause.) I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.
(Laughter.) I've been there. I'll be shaking hands afterwards if you
want some tips. (Laughter.)
And I understand that because it’s an election season, expectations for
what we will achieve this year are low. But, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate
the constructive approach that you and the other leaders took at the
end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for
working families. So I hope we can work together this year on some
bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform -- (applause) -- and
helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse and heroin
abuse. (Applause.) So, who knows, we might surprise the cynics again.
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don’t worry, I’ve got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I will keep pushing for progress on the work that I believe still needs to be done. Fixing a broken immigration system. (Applause.) Protecting our kids from gun violence. (Applause.)
Equal pay for equal work. (Applause.) Paid leave. (Applause.) Raising the minimum wage.
(Applause.) All these things still matter to hardworking families.
They’re still the right thing to do. And I won't let up until they get
done.
But for my final address to this chamber, I don’t want to just talk about next year. I want to focus on the next five years, the next 10 years, and beyond. I want to focus on our future.
We live in a time of extraordinary change -- change that’s reshaping
the way we live, the way we work, our planet, our place in the world.
It’s change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also
economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages,
but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It’s change that
can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or
not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.
America has been through big changes before -- wars and depression, the
influx of new immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, movements
to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to
fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change; who
promised to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that
was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those
fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, and acted anew.
We made change work for us, always extending America’s promise
outward, to the next frontier, to more people. And because we did --
because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril -- we emerged
stronger and better than before.
What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation
-- our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery, our diversity,
our commitment to rule of law -- these things give us everything we need
to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.
In
fact, it’s that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years
possible. It’s how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in
generations. It’s how we reformed our health care system, and
reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to
our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.
But such progress is not inevitable. It’s the result of choices we
make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to
the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, turning
against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with
confidence in who we are, in what we stand for, in the incredible things
that we can do together?
So let’s talk about the future, and four big questions that I believe
we as a country have to answer -- regardless of who the next President
is, or who controls the next Congress.
First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy? (Applause.)
Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us -- especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change? (Applause.)
Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman? (Applause.)
And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what’s best in us, and not what’s worst?
Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: The United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. (Applause.) We’re in the middle of the longest streak of private sector job creation in history. (Applause.) More than 14 million new jobs, the strongest two years of job growth since the ‘90s, an unemployment rate cut in half. Our
auto industry just had its best year ever. (Applause.) That's just
part of a manufacturing surge that's created nearly 900,000 new jobs in
the past six years. And we’ve done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters. (Applause.)
Anyone claiming that America’s economy is in decline is peddling
fiction. (Applause.) Now, what is true -- and the reason that a lot of
Americans feel anxious -- is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit; changes that have not let up.
Today, technology doesn’t just replace jobs on the assembly line, but
any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can
locate anywhere, and they face tougher competition. As a result,
workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.
All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs;
even when the economy is growing. It’s made it harder for a hardworking
family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start
their careers, tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And
although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our
uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair
shot.
For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that
works also better for everybody. We’ve made progress. But we need to
make more. And despite all the political arguments that we’ve had these
past few years, there are actually some areas where Americans broadly
agree.
We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we’ve increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, boosted graduates in fields like engineering.
In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing
Pre-K for all and -- (applause) -- offering every student the hands-on
computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one.
We should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.
(Applause.)
And we have to make college affordable for every American. (Applause.) No hardworking student should be stuck in the red.
We’ve already reduced student loan payments to 10 percent of a
borrower’s income. And that's good. But now, we’ve actually got to cut
the cost of college. (Applause.) Providing
two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student
is one of the best ways to do that, and I’m going to keep fighting to
get that started this year. (Applause.) It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)
But a great education isn’t all we need in this new economy. We also
need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security.
It’s not too much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in
America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a
health and retirement package for 30 years are sitting in this chamber.
(Laughter.) For everyone else, especially folks in their 40s and 50s,
saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot
tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, in
this new economy, they may have to retool and they may have to retrain.
But they shouldn’t lose what they’ve already worked so hard to build in
the process.
That’s why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever. We shouldn’t weaken them; we should strengthen them. (Applause.) And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That, by the way, is what the Affordable Care Act is all about.
It’s about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when you
lose a job, or you go back to school, or you strike out and launch that
new business, you’ll still have coverage. Nearly 18 million people have
gained coverage so far. (Applause.) And in the process, health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.
Now, I’m guessing we won’t agree on health care anytime soon.
(Applause.) A little applause right there. Laughter.) Just a guess.
But there should be other ways parties can work together to improve
economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job -- we
shouldn’t just make sure that he can get unemployment insurance; we
should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business
that’s ready to hire him. If that new job doesn’t pay as much, there
should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay
his bills. And even if he’s going from job to job, he should still be
able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That’s the
way we make the new economy work better for everybody.
I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling
poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a chance, a
hand up. And I’d welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can
all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers who don't
have children. (Applause.)
But there are some areas where we just have to be honest -- it has
been difficult to find agreement over the last seven years. And a lot
of them fall under the category of what role the government should play
in making sure the system’s not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and
biggest corporations. (Applause.) And it's an honest disagreement, and
the American people have a choice to make.
I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy.
I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed. There
is red tape that needs to be cut. (Applause.) There you go! Yes!
(Applause But after years now of record corporate profits, working
families won’t get more opportunity or bigger paychecks just by letting
big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at everybody
else’s expense. (Applause.) Middle-class families are not going to
feel more secure because we allowed attacks on collective bargaining to
go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients did not cause the financial
crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. (Applause.) Immigrants aren’t
the principal reason wages haven’t gone up; those decisions are made in
the boardrooms that all too often put quarterly earnings over long-term
returns. It’s sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids
paying taxes through offshore accounts. (Applause.)
The point is, I believe that in this In new economy, workers and
start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The
rules should work for them. (Applause.) And I'm not alone in this.
This year I plan to lift up the many businesses who’ve figured out that
doing right by their workers or their customers or their communities
ends up being good for their shareholders. (Applause.) And I want to
spread those best practices across America. That's part of a brighter
future. (Applause.)
In fact, it turns out many of our best corporate citizens are also
our most creative. And this brings me to the second big question we as a
country have to answer: How do we reignite that spirit of innovation
to meet our biggest challenges?
Sixty
years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn’t deny Sputnik
was up there. (Laughter.) We didn’t argue about the science, or
shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight. And 12 years later, we were walking on the moon. (Applause.)
Now, that spirit of discovery is in our DNA. America is Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver.
America is Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. America
is every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon
Valley, racing to shape a better world. (Applause.) That's who we are.
And over the past seven years, we’ve nurtured that spirit. We’ve protected an open Internet,
and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans
online. (Applause.) We’ve launched next-generation manufacturing hubs,
and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs
to start a business in a single day. But we can do so much more.
Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last
month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National
Institutes of Health the strongest resources that they’ve had in over a
decade. (Applause.) So tonight, I’m announcing a new national effort to
get it done. And because he’s gone to the mat for all of us on so many
issues over the past 40 years, I’m putting Joe in charge of Mission Control.
(Applause.) For the loved ones we’ve all lost, for the families that
we can still save, let’s make America the country that cures cancer once
and for all. (Applause.)
Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment
when it comes to developing clean energy sources. (Applause.) Look, if
anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have
at it. You will be pretty lonely, because you’ll be debating our
military, most of America’s business leaders, the majority of the
American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations
around the world who agree it’s a problem and intend to solve it.
(Applause.)
But even if -- even if the planet wasn’t at stake, even if 2014
wasn’t the warmest year on record -- until 2015 turned out to be even
hotter -- why would we want to pass up the chance for American
businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? (Applause.)
Listen, seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in
clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa
to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power.
On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of
millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more
Americans than coal -- in jobs that pay better than average. We’re
taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their
own energy -- something, by the way, that environmentalists and Tea
Partiers have teamed up to support. And meanwhile, we’ve cut our
imports of foreign oil by nearly 60 percent, and cut carbon pollution
more than any other country on Earth. (Applause.)
Gas under two bucks a gallon ain’t bad, either. (Applause.)
Now we’ve got to accelerate the transition away from old, dirtier
energy sources. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the
future -- especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. We do
them no favor when we don't show them where the trends are going.
That’s why I’m going to push to change the way we manage our oil and
coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on
taxpayers and our planet. And that way, we put money back into those
communities, and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a
21st century transportation system. (Applause.)
Now, none of this is going to happen overnight. And, yes, there are
plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But
the jobs we’ll create, the money we’ll save, the planet we’ll preserve
-- that is the kind of future our kids and our grandkids deserve. And
it's within our grasp.
Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is
linked to the rest of the world. And that’s why the third big question
that we have to answer together is how to keep America safe and strong
without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere
there’s a problem.
I told you earlier all the talk of America’s economic decline is
political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our
enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. Let me tell you
something. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on
Earth. Period. (Applause.)
Period. It’s not even close. It's not
even close. (Applause.) It's not even close. We spend more on our
military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the
finest fighting force in the history of the world. (Applause.) No
nation attacks us directly, or our allies, because they know that’s the
path to ruin. Surveys
show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to
this office, and when it comes to every important international issue,
people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead -- they
call us. (Applause.)
I mean, it's useful to level the set here, because when we don't, we don't make good decisions.
Now, as someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing,
I know this is a dangerous time. But that’s not primarily because of
some looming superpower out there, and certainly not because of
diminished American strength. In today’s world, we’re threatened less
by evil empires and more by failing states.
The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out
for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia.
Economic headwinds are blowing in from a Chinese economy that is in
significant transition. Even as their economy severely contracts,
Russia is pouring resources in to prop up Ukraine and Syria -- client
states that they saw slipping away from their orbit. And the
international system we built after World War II is now struggling to
keep pace with this new reality.
It’s up to us, the United States of America, to help remake that
system. And to do that well it means that we’ve got to set priorities.
Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after
terrorist networks. (Applause.) Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a
direct threat to our people, because in today’s world, even a handful of
terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can
do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of
individuals inside our country. Their actions undermine and destabilize
our allies. We have to take them out.
But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this
is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the
back of pickup trucks, twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages
-- they pose an enormous danger to civilians; they have to be stopped.
But they do not threaten our national existence. (Applause.) That is
the story ISIL wants to tell. That’s the kind of propaganda they use to
recruit. We don’t need to build them up to show that we’re serious,
and we sure don't need to push away vital allies in this fight by
echoing the lie that ISIL is somehow representative of one of the
world’s largest religions. (Applause.) We just need to call them what
they are -- killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down,
and destroyed. (Applause.)
And that’s exactly what we’re doing. For more than a year, America
has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL’s
financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and
stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes,
we’re taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps,
their weapons. We’re training, arming, and supporting forces who are
steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.
If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send
a message to our troops and the world, authorize the use of military
force against ISIL. Take a vote. (Applause.) Take a vote. But the
American people should know that with or without congressional action,
ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you
doubt America’s commitment -- or mine -- to see that justice is done,
just ask Osama bin Laden. (Applause.) Ask the leader of al Qaeda in
Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi
attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we
go after you. (Applause.) And it may take time, but we have long
memories, and our reach has no limits. (Applause.)
Our foreign policy hast to be focused on the threat from ISIL and al
Qaeda, but it can’t stop there. For even without ISIL, even without al
Qaeda, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world
-- in the Middle East, in Afghanistan, parts of Pakistan, in parts of
Central America, in Africa, and Asia. Some of these places may become
safe havens for new terrorist networks. Others will just fall victim to
ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The
world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs
to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet-bomb civilians. That may
work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn’t pass muster on the world stage.
We also can’t try to take over and rebuild every country that falls
into crisis, even if it's done with the best of intentions. (Applause.)
That’s not leadership; that’s a recipe for quagmire, spilling American
blood and treasure that ultimately will weaken us. It’s the lesson of
Vietnam; it's the lesson of Iraq -- and we should have learned it by
now. (Applause.)
Fortunately, there is a smarter approach, a patient and
disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It
says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people
and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the
world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own
weight.
That’s our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we’re partnering
with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken
society pursue a lasting peace.
That’s why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled
diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. And as we speak, Iran has
rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and
the world has avoided another war. (Applause.)
That’s how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa.
(Applause.) Our military, our doctors, our development workers -- they
were heroic; they set up the platform that then allowed other countries
to join in behind us and stamp out that epidemic. Hundreds of thousands,
maybe a couple million lives were saved.
That’s how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, and
protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in
Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products made in America, which will
then support more good jobs here in America. With TPP, China does not
set the rules in that region; we do. You want to show our strength in
this new century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce
it. It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)
Let me give you another example. Fifty years of isolating Cuba had
failed to promote democracy, and set us back in Latin America. That’s
why we restored diplomatic relations --
(applause) -- opened the door to travel and commerce, positioned
ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. (Applause.) So if
you want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the
hemisphere, recognize that the Cold War is over -- lift the embargo.
(Applause.)
The point is American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice
between ignoring the rest of the world -- except when we kill terrorists
-- or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.
Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the
world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign
assistance as a part of our national security, not something separate,
not charity.
When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in
history to fight climate change, yes, that helps vulnerable countries,
but it also protects our kids. When we help Ukraine defend its
democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the
international order we depend on. When we help African countries feed
their people and care for the sick -- (applause) -- it's the right thing
to do, and it prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores.
Right now, we’re on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS. That's within
our grasp. (Applause.) And we have the chance to accomplish the same
thing with malaria -- something I’ll be pushing this Congress to fund
this year. (Applause.)
That's American strength. That's American leadership. And that kind
of leadership depends on the power of our example. That’s why I will
keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo. (Applause.) It is
expensive, it is unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment
brochure for our enemies. (Applause.) There’s a better way.
(Applause.)
And that’s why we need to reject any politics -- any politics -- that
targets people because of race or religion. (Applause.) Let me just
say this. This is not a matter of political correctness. This is a
matter of understanding just what it is that makes us strong. The world
respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity,
and our openness, and the way we respect every faith.
His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot that I'm standing on tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place.”
When politicians insult Muslims, whether abroad or our fellow
citizens, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid is called names, that
doesn’t make us safer. That’s not telling it like it is. It’s just
wrong. (Applause.) It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It
makes it harder to achieve our goals. It betrays who we are as a
country. (Applause.)
“We the People.” Our Constitution begins with those three simple
words, words we’ve come to recognize mean all the people, not just some;
words that insist we rise and fall together, and that's how we might
perfect our Union. And that brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most
important thing that I want to say tonight.
The future we want -- all of us want -- opportunity and security for
our families, a rising standard of living, a sustainable, peaceful
planet for our kids -- all that is within our reach. But it will only
happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have
rational, constructive debates. It will only happen if we fix our
politics.
A better politics doesn’t mean we have to agree on everything. This
is a big country -- different regions, different attitudes, different
interests. That’s one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed
power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue,
just as they did, fiercely, over the size and shape of government, over
commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the
imperatives of security.
But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens.
It doesn’t work if we think the people who disagree with us are all
motivated by malice. It doesn’t work if we think that our political
opponents are unpatriotic or trying to weaken America. Democracy grinds
to a halt without a willingness to compromise, or when even basic facts
are contested, or when we listen only to those who agree with us. Our
public life withers when only the most extreme voices get all the
attention. And most of all, democracy breaks down when the average
person feels their voice doesn’t matter; that the system is rigged in
favor of the rich or the powerful or some special interest.
Too many Americans feel that way right now. It’s one of the few
regrets of my presidency -- that the rancor and suspicion between the
parties has gotten worse instead of better. I have no doubt a president
with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the
divide, and I guarantee I’ll keep trying to be better so long as I hold
this office.
But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task -- or any
President’s -- alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber,
good people who would like to see more cooperation, would like to see a
more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the imperatives
of getting elected, by the noise coming out of your base. I know;
you’ve told me. It's the worst-kept secret in Washington. And a lot of
you aren't enjoying being trapped in that kind of rancor.
But that means if we want a better politics -- and I'm addressing the American people now --
if we want a better politics, it’s not enough just to change a
congressman or change a senator or even change a President. We have to
change the system to reflect our better selves. I
think we've got to end the practice of drawing our congressional
districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other
way around. (Applause.) Let a bipartisan group do it. (Applause.)
We
have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a
handful of families or hidden interests can’t bankroll our elections.
(Applause.) And if our existing approach to campaign finance reform
can’t pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real
solution -- because it's a problem. And most of you don't like raising
money. I know; I've done it. (Applause.) We’ve got to make it easier to vote, not harder. (Applause.) We need to modernize it for the way we live now. (Applause.) This is America: We want to make it easier for people to participate. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do just that.
But I can’t do these things on my own. (Applause.) Changes in our
political process -- in not just who gets elected, but how they get
elected -- that will only happen when the American people demand it. It
depends on you. That’s what’s meant by a government of, by, and for
the people.
What I’m suggesting is hard. It’s a lot easier to be cynical; to
accept that change is not possible, and politics is hopeless, and the
problem is all the folks who are elected don't care, and to believe that
our voices and actions don’t matter. But if we give up now, then we
forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater
control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or
allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and
voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to
secure. And then, as frustration grows, there will be voices urging us
to fall back into our respective tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens
who don’t look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share
the same background.
We can’t afford to go down that path. It won’t deliver the economy
we want. It will not produce the security we want. But most of all, it
contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.
So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer
one party or no party, whether you supported my agenda or fought as
hard as you could against it -- our collective futures depends on your
willingness to uphold your duties as a citizen. To vote. To speak out.
To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the
vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody,
somewhere, stood up for us. (Applause.) We need every American to stay
active in our public life -- and not just during election time -- so
that our public life reflects the goodness and the decency that I see in
the American people every single day.
It is not easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise
that a little over a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I
will be right there with you as a citizen, inspired by those voices of
fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that helped
America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not, first and
foremost, as black or white, or Asian or Latino, not as gay or
straight, immigrant or native born, not as Democrat or Republican, but
as Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed
would have the final word -- voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.
And they’re out there, those voices. They don’t get a lot of
attention; they don't seek a lot of fanfare; but they’re busy doing the
work this country needs doing. I see them everywhere I travel in this
incredible country of ours. I see you, the American people. And in
your daily acts of citizenship, I see our future unfolding.
I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts
to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages instead of laying him off.
I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late at night to finish her
science project, and the teacher who comes in early, and maybe with some
extra supplies that she bought because she knows that that young girl
might someday cure a disease.
I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science
project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might
someday cure a disease.
I see it in the American who served his time, and bad mistakes as a
child but now is dreaming of starting over -- and I see it in the
business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester
determined to prove that justice matters -- and the young cop walking
the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work
of keeping us safe. (Applause.)
I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his
brothers, the nurse who tends to him till he can run a marathon, the
community that lines up to cheer him on.
It’s
the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father
whose love for that son overrides everything he’s been taught. (Applause.)
I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote
as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his vote for the first
time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count --
because each of them in different ways know how much that precious
right is worth.
That's the America I know. That’s the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Undaunted by challenge.
Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the
final word. (Applause.)
That’s what makes me so hopeful about our
future. I believe in change because I believe in you, the American people.
And that’s why I stand here confident as I have ever been that the State of our Union is strong. (Applause.)
Thank you, God bless you. God bless the United States of America.
Source: TED What keeps us healthy and happyas we go through life?If you were going to invest nowin your future best self,where would you put your time
and your energy?There was a recent survey of millennialsasking them what their
most important life goals were,and over 80 percent saidthat a major life goal for them
was to get rich.And another 50 percent
of those same young adultssaid that another major life goalwas to become famous.
(Laughter)
And we're constantly told
to lean in to work, to push harderand achieve more.We're given the impression that these
are the things that we need to go afterin order to have a good life.Pictures of entire lives,of the choices that people make
and how those choices work out for them,those pictures
are almost impossible to get.Most of what we know about human lifewe know from asking people
to remember the past,and as we know, hindsight
is anything but 20/20.We forget vast amounts
of what happens to us in life,and sometimes memory
is downright creative.
But what if we could watch entire livesas they unfold through time?What if we could study people
from the time that they were teenagersall the way into old ageto see what really keeps people
happy and healthy?
We did that.The Harvard Study of Adult Developmentmay be the longest study
of adult life that's ever been done.For 75 years, we've tracked
the lives of 724 men,year after year, asking about their work,
their home lives, their health,and of course asking all along the way
without knowing how their life storieswere going to turn out.
Studies like this are exceedingly rare.Almost all projects of this kind
fall apart within a decadebecause too many people
drop out of the study,or funding for the research dries up,or the researchers get distracted,or they die, and nobody moves the ball
further down the field.But through a combination of luckand the persistence
of several generations of researchers,this study has survived.About 60 of our original 724 menare still alive,still participating in the study,most of them in their 90s.And we are now beginning to studythe more than 2,000 children of these men.And I'm the fourth director of the study.
Since 1938, we've tracked the lives
of two groups of men.The first group started in the studywhen they were sophomores
at Harvard College.They all finished college
during World War II,and then most went off
to serve in the war.And the second group that we've followedwas a group of boys
from Boston's poorest neighborhoods,boys who were chosen for the studyspecifically because they were
from some of the most troubledand disadvantaged familiesin the Boston of the 1930s.Most lived in tenements,
many without hot and cold running water.
When they entered the study,all of these teenagers were interviewed.They were given medical exams.We went to their homes
and we interviewed their parents.And then these teenagers
grew up into adultswho entered all walks of life.They became factory workers and lawyers
and bricklayers and doctors,one President of the United States.Some developed alcoholism.
A few developed schizophrenia.Some climbed the social ladderfrom the bottom
all the way to the very top,and some made that journey
in the opposite direction.
The founders of this studywould never in their wildest dreamshave imagined that I would be
standing here today, 75 years later,telling you that
the study still continues.Every two years, our patient
and dedicated research staffcalls up our men
and asks them if we can send themyet one more set of questions
about their lives.
Many of the inner city Boston men ask us,"Why do you keep wanting to study me?
My life just isn't that interesting."The Harvard men never ask that question.
(Laughter)
To get the clearest picture
of these lives,we don't just send them questionnaires.We interview them in their living rooms.We get their medical records
from their doctors.We draw their blood, we scan their brains,we talk to their children.We videotape them talking with their wives
about their deepest concerns.And when, about a decade ago,
we finally asked the wivesif they would join us
as members of the study,many of the women said,
"You know, it's about time."
(Laughter)
So what have we learned?What are the lessons that come
from the tens of thousands of pagesof information that we've generatedon these lives?Well, the lessons aren't about wealth
or fame or working harder and harder.The clearest message that we get
from this 75-year study is this:Good relationships keep us
happier and healthier. Period.
We've learned three big lessons
about relationships.The first is that social connections
are really good for us,and that loneliness kills.It turns out that people
who are more socially connectedto family, to friends, to community,are happier, they're physically healthier,
and they live longerthan people who are less well connected.And the experience of loneliness
turns out to be toxic.People who are more isolated
than they want to be from othersfind that they are less happy,their health declines earlier in midlife,their brain functioning declines soonerand they live shorter lives
than people who are not lonely.And the sad fact
is that at any given time,more than one in five Americans
will report that they're lonely.
And we know that you
can be lonely in a crowdand you can be lonely in a marriage,so the second big lesson that we learnedis that it's not just
the number of friends you have,and it's not whether or not
you're in a committed relationship,but it's the quality
of your close relationships that matters.It turns out that living in the midst
of conflict is really bad for our health.High-conflict marriages, for example,
without much affection,turn out to be very bad for our health,
perhaps worse than getting divorced.And living in the midst of good,
warm relationships is protective.
Once we had followed our men
all the way into their 80s,we wanted to look back at them at midlifeand to see if we could predictwho was going to grow
into a happy, healthy octogenarianand who wasn't.And when we gathered together
everything we knew about themat age 50,it wasn't their middle age
cholesterol levelsthat predicted how they
were going to grow old.It was how satisfied they were
in their relationships.The people who were the most satisfied
in their relationships at age 50were the healthiest at age 80.And good, close relationships
seem to buffer usfrom some of the slings and arrows
of getting old.Our most happily partnered men and womenreported, in their 80s,that on the days
when they had more physical pain,their mood stayed just as happy.But the people who were
in unhappy relationships,on the days when they
reported more physical pain,it was magnified by more emotional pain.
And the third big lesson that we learned
about relationships and our healthis that good relationships
don't just protect our bodies,they protect our brains.It turns out that being
in a securely attached relationshipto another person in your 80s
is protective,that the people who are in relationshipswhere they really feel they can count
on the other person in times of need,those people's memories
stay sharper longer.And the people in relationshipswhere they feel they really
can't count on the other one,those are the people who experience
earlier memory decline.And those good relationships,
they don't have to be smooth all the time.Some of our octogenarian couples
could bicker with each otherday in and day out,but as long as they felt that they
could really count on the otherwhen the going got tough,those arguments didn't take a toll
on their memories.
So this message,that good, close relationships
are good for our health and well-being,this is wisdom that's as old as the hills.Why is this so hard to get
and so easy to ignore?Well, we're human.What we'd really like is a quick fix,something we can getthat'll make our lives good
and keep them that way.Relationships are messy
and they're complicatedand the hard work of tending
to family and friends,it's not sexy or glamorous.It's also lifelong. It never ends.The people in our 75-year study
who were the happiest in retirementwere the people who had actively worked
to replace workmates with new playmates.Just like the millennials
in that recent survey,many of our men when they
were starting out as young adultsreally believed that fame and wealth
and high achievementwere what they needed to go after
to have a good life.But over and over, over these 75 years,
our study has shownthat the people who fared the best were
the people who leaned in to relationships,with family, with friends, with community.
So what about you?Let's say you're 25,
or you're 40, or you're 60.What might leaning in
to relationships even look like?
Well, the possibilities
are practically endless.It might be something as simple
as replacing screen time with people timeor livening up a stale relationship
by doing something new together,long walks or date nights,or reaching out to that family member
who you haven't spoken to in years,because those all-too-common family feudstake a terrible tollon the people who hold the grudges.
I'd like to close with a quote
from Mark Twain.More than a century ago,he was looking back on his life,and he wrote this:"There isn't time, so brief is life,for bickerings, apologies,
heartburnings, callings to account.There is only time for loving,and but an instant,
so to speak, for that."
President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
August 1, 2015
Hi, everybody. This week, there was a big birthday you might have
missed. Medicare and Medicaid turned 50 years old. And that’s something
worth celebrating.
If one of the best measures of a country is how it treats its more
vulnerable citizens -- seniors, the poor, the sick -- then America has a
lot to be proud of. Think about it. Before Social Security, too many
seniors lived in poverty. Before Medicare, only half had some form of
health insurance. Before Medicaid, parents often had no help covering
the cost of care for a child with a disability.
But as Americans, we declared that our citizens deserve a basic measure
of security and dignity. And today, the poverty rate for seniors is
less than half of what it was fifty years ago. Every American over 65
has access to affordable health care. And today, we’re finally finishing
the job -- since I signed the Affordable Care Act into law, the
uninsured rate for all Americans has fallen by about one-third.
These promises we made as a nation have saved millions of our own
people from poverty and hardship, allowing us new freedom, new
independence, and the chance to live longer, better lives. That’s
something to be proud of. It’s heroic. These endeavors -- these American
endeavors -- they didn’t just make us a better country. They reaffirmed
that we are a great country.
And a great country keeps the promises it makes. Today, we’re often
told that Medicare and Medicaid are in crisis. But that’s usually a
political excuse to cut their funding, privatize them, or phase them out
entirely -- all of which would undermine their core guarantee. The
truth is, these programs aren’t in crisis. Nor have they kept us from
cutting our deficits by two-thirds since I took office. What is true is
that every month, another 250,000 Americans turn 65 years old, and
become eligible for Medicare. And we all deserve a health care system
that delivers efficient, high-quality care. So to keep these programs
strong, we’ll have to make smart changes over time, just like we always
have.
Today, we’re actually proving that’s possible. The Affordable Care Act
has already helped secure Medicare’s funding for another 13 years. The
Affordable Care Act has saved more than nine million folks on Medicare
15 billion dollars on their prescription medicine. It has expanded
Medicaid to help cover 12.8 million more Americans, and to help more
seniors live independently. And we’re moving our health care system
toward models that reward the quality of the care you receive, not the
quantity of care you receive. That means healthier Americans and a
healthier federal budget.
Today, these programs are so fundamental to our way of life that it’s
easy to forget how hard people fought against them at the time. When FDR
created Social Security, critics called it socialism. When JFK and LBJ
worked to create Medicare, the cynics said it would take away our
freedom. But ultimately, we came to see these programs for what they
truly are -- a promise that if we work hard, and play by the rules,
we’ll be rewarded with a basic measure of dignity, security, and the
freedom to live our lives as we want.
It’s a promise that previous generations made to us, and a promise that our generation has to keep.
President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
June 20, 2015
Hi, everybody. As President, I spend most of my time focused on what
we can do to grow the economy and grow new pathways of opportunity for
Americans like you to get ahead.
And we’ve made progress. More than 12 million new private sector jobs
in the past five years. More than 16 million Americans who’ve gained
health insurance. More jobs creating more clean energy. More kids
graduating from high school and college than ever before.
But in a relentlessly-changing economy, we’ve got more work to do. And
one of the things we should be doing, for example, is rewriting the
rules of global trade to benefit American workers and American
businesses. I think we should write those rules before China does.
That’s why I’ve been working with Congress to pass new, 21st century
trade agreements with standards that are higher and protections that are
tougher than any past trade agreement.
I believe it’s the right thing to do for American workers and families, or I wouldn’t be doing it.
I believe it’s what will give us the competitive edge in a new economy, or I wouldn’t be doing it.
Now, several Members of Congress disagree. That’s why it’s still tied
up there, along with a lot of other good ideas that would create jobs.
And eventually, I’m optimistic we’ll get this done.
But America doesn’t stand still. That’s why, on issue after issue
where Congress has failed to act, my administration has partnered with
mayors and governors across the country to advance economic priorities
that most working families in America are in favor of right now.
And we’ve had success. Over the past couple years, 17 states and six
major cities have raised the minimum wage for their workers. 19 cities
have enacted paid sick days, and five states have enacted paid sick days
or paid family leave. 34 states have increased funding for quality
Pre-K. And 19 cities and states have signed up for our new TechHire
initiative to train workers for the high-wage, high-skill jobs of
tomorrow – the kind of jobs that new trade deals would help create.
Some of these victories have been small. Some have been quiet. But
they’ve added up to a big difference for working families across
America. And that’s what matters to me. Because it matters to you. On
Friday, I talked about these initiatives and more in a speech to the
U.S. Conference of Mayors. Check it out at WhiteHouse.gov. Some of it
might matter to your city.
Watch Frontline Gunned-Downand read How the Gun-Rights Lobby Won After Newtown. How American politics is controlled by National Rifle Association
(NRA)!
Even by the standards of mass public shootings in America, what
happened last year at Sandy Hook Elementary School was staggering.
Twenty-six victims, most no older than seven, were gunned down in their
classrooms days before Christmas.
For gun-control advocates, Newtown offered an unprecedented moment to
push to reform the nation’s gun laws. The day of the shooting, a
visibly moved President Barack Obama called for “meaningful action.” One month later, a coalition of grieving Sandy Hook parents vowed
to fight nationwide for “sensible solutions to prevent gun violence.”
Some politicians with top ratings from the National Rifle Association
(NRA) even indicated they’d be willing to consider new laws.
It didn’t quite work out that way.
In the wake of Sandy Hook, the gun-rights lobby outspent,
out-organized and out-maneuvered gun-control advocates at both the state
and federal level. A FRONTLINE examination of state legislation and
federal lobbying expenditures shows that gun-rights groups outspent
gun-control backers by nearly $10 million, and that around the country,
states passed more than twice as many laws expanding gun owners’ rights
than they did gun-control measures.
Representatives of the two top national gun lobbying organizations
declined to talk to FRONTLINE about their efforts this past year. But
records show that since Sandy Hook, 27 states have passed 93 laws
expanding gun rights, including measures allowing people to carry
concealed weapons in churches, public parks and schools, and to accept
gun permits from neighboring states. In Congress, gun-rights lobbyists
helped defeat the most comprehensive reform bill proposed in nearly two
decades.
What happened?
“As upset as people who don’t own guns are about the misuse of guns —
and of course gun owners are too — at the end of the day, they aren’t
going to vote for or against you on the basis of what you do on this
issue,” said Richard Feldman, president of the Independent Firearms
Owners Association, who advocates what he calls “effective solutions” on
guns. “Gun owners are going to vote, and they care deeply about this
issue.”
Gun-control advocates say that they’re just beginning to gain
momentum to challenge the well-funded and organized gun-rights movement.
But they’ve also run up against the current political reality of guns
in the U.S.
“These Are Good Bills”
Within three months of the shooting, states were consider more than 1,000 pieces of legislation — about half to expand gun rights, and the other half to curtail them.
By the end of 2013, only 43 gun-control laws had passed, nearly one-quarter of them in California.
Colorado legislators passed four laws, including expanded background
checks and a ban on most magazines with more than 15 rounds. But the
outcry among gun-rights supporters was so great that two senators who
voted for the measures were recalled in September, and another stepped down last month to avoid being ousted. Gov. John Hickenlooper, who is running for re-election next year, is also struggling to stay ahead in the polls.
In Rhode Island, gun-rights advocates successfully lobbied to modify
proposed gun-control bills until they felt they didn’t impose on firearm
owners’ rights. The Providence Journaldocumented the House vote:
“They’ve been kind to us gun folks,” said
Rep. Doreen Marie Costa on the House floor. “I want to make sure the
NRA people and the [Federated Rhode Island Sportsmen’s Club] can hear
this,” Costa added, as the lobbyists and gun-rights advocates watched
from the balcony. “These are good bills.”
A New Gun-Rights Power
In January, President Obama announced 23 executive actions intended
to strengthen the enforcement of existing gun laws. Last month, he
touted some progress,
including improving the national background-check database and
appointing a director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, a
post that’s been vacant for seven years.
But the administration’s major effort to pass what would have been
the most sweeping reform in nearly two decades — new legislation that
would have expanded background checks to include gun shows and online
sales — failed within months in the Democrat-controlled Senate.
The legislation was staunchly opposed by gun-rights groups, including a powerful newcomer in the federal arena.
The National Association for Gun Rights, or NAGR, which considers
itself to the right of the powerful NRA, spent nearly $6 million in
lobbying this year through September 2013 — more than double what the
NRA paid out and far more than any other group on either side of the
debate.
The NAGR was founded in 2001, but until this
year it focused mainly
on advocacy, keeping local groups apprised of gun legislation in their
states. The source of its funding isn’t clear because as a 501(c)4, the
NAGR isn’t required to disclose its backers.
The group’s leadership has ties to former Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas) and his son, Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
The group’s executive vice president, Dudley Brown, declined to talk
to FRONTLINE for this story. But earlier this year, Brown told the
Center for Responsive Politics that the Sandy Hook shooting prompted the
group to get involved on the federal level.
“We had not hired a federal lobbyist previous to that point, and we immediately started seeking one out after Connecticut,” he said. The
group gained notoriety for running attack ads again Republican members
of Congress, including Eric Cantor, the House majority whip, accusing
them of supporting the president’s gun-control initiatives.
The “Connecticut Effect”
Gun-control advocates have never been as organized, as wealthy or as
motivated as gun-rights groups, so even with the newfound momentum that
some have called the “Connecticut effect,” they’re working at a
disadvantage.
But in 2013, gun-control advocates marked several victories,
including in Connecticut, one of the few states to pass comprehensive
gun control legislation. After the shooting, gun-control groups in the
state gained thousands of new members. Suburban moms speed-dialed legislators
every Friday at 9:30 a.m., the moment the shooting at Sandy Hook
Elementary began. Other groups formed to march against gun violence, and
advocates showed up at legislative hearings to counter pro-gun
supporters.
That kind of grassroots power is new for the gun-control movement
— and something they admit will take years to replicate nationwide. The
goal: create enough baseline support for legislators so they can vote
for gun-control measures without fearing for their political lives.
“A year ago, not only were we swimming against the tide, there wasn’t
much hope at all that people felt in terms of passing laws that would
actually save lives,” said Dan Gross, president of the Brady Campaign to
Prevent Gun Violence.
Now, he said, “We’re on the right trajectory. Every day that we wake
up, we’re focused on continuing that momentum that we’ve established,
with grassroots organizing across the country, new levels of membership,
and funding that this issue hasn’t seen in years. It all is headed in
the right direction.”
The question now is what happens next year, as the 2014 midterm
elections approach. Mayors Against Illegal Guns, the largest gun-control
group in terms of lobbying expenditures, plans to continue to back
politicians who side with them and attack those who don’t. The Brady
Campaign says it’s working with federal lawmakers to craft a new
background-check bill, although they declined to name names on a recent
conference call with reporters.
“It will take us awhile to match what the NRA has accomplished in two
decades, but I think it’s happening a lot faster than anyone thought it
would,” said Mark Glaze, Mayors’ director.
But the gun-rights movement isn’t likely to lose its momentum,
either. The NAGR rallied its supporters this week to oppose Congress’
extension of a ban on plastic guns that can avoid detection by airport
security. Although the bill passed, it lacked new restrictions proposed
by gun-control supporters.
And, the NRA, which plans to reintroduce gun-rights legislation that
failed at the state level, has billed 2014 as the “biggest battle for
gun rights in our lifetime.”
Have you ever held a question in mind for so long that it becomes part of how you think? Maybe
even part of who you are as a person? Well I’ve had a question in my mind for many, many years
and that is: how can you speed up learning? Now, this is an interesting question because if you
speed up learning you can spend less time at school. And if you learn really fast, you probably
wouldn’t have to go to school at all. Now, when I was young, school
was sort of okay but I found
quite often that school got in the way of learning
,
so I had this question in mind: how do you learn
faster? And this began when I was very, very young, when I was about eleven years old I wrote a
letter to researchers in the
Soviet Union, asking about hypnopaedia, this is sleep learning, where
you get a tape recorder, you put it beside your bed and it turns on in the middle of the night when
you’re sleeping, and you’re supposed to be learning from this. A good idea, unfortunately it doesn’t
work. But, hypnopaedia did open the doors to research in other areas and we’ve had incredible
discoveries about learning that began with that first question.
I went on from there to become passionate about psychology and I have been involved in
psychology in many ways for the rest of my life up until this point. In 1981 I took myself to China
and I decided that I was going to be native level in Chinese inside two years. Now, you need to
understand that in 1981, everybody thought Chinese
was really, really difficult and that a westerner
could study for ten years or more and never really get very good at it. And I also went in with a
different idea which was: taking all of the conclusions from psychological research up to that point
and applying them to the learning process. What was really cool was that in six months I was fluent
in Mandarin Chinese and took a little bit longer to get up to native. But I looked around and I saw all
of these people from different countries struggling terribly with Chinese, I saw Chinese people
struggling terribly to learn English and other languages, and so my question got refined down to:
how can you help a normal adult learn a new language quickly, easily and effectively? Now this a
really, really important question in today’s world. We have massive challenges with environment
we have massive challenges with social dislocation, with wars, all sorts of things going on and if we
can’t communicate we’re really going to have difficulty solving these problem
s. So we need to be
able to speak each other’s languages, this is really, really important. The question then is how do
you do that. Well, it’s actually really easy. You look around for people who can already do it, you
look for situations where it’s already working and then you identify the principles and apply them.
It’s called modelling and I’ve been looking at language learning and modelling language learning for
about fifteen to twenty years now. And my conclusion, my observation from this is that any adult
can learn a second language to fluency inside six months. Now when I say this, most people think
I’m crazy, this is not possible. So let me remind everybody of the history of human progress, it’s all
about expanding our limits.
In 1950 everybody believed that running one mile in four minutes was impossible and then Roger
Bannister did it in 1956 and from there it’s got shorter and shorter. 100 years ago everybody
believed that heavy stuff doesn’t fly. Except it does and we all know this.
How does heavy stuff fly?
We reorganize the material
using principles that we have learned from observing nature, birds in
this case. And today we’ve gone ever further, so you can fly a car. You can buy one of these for a
couple hundred thousand US dollars. We now have cars in the world that can fly. And there’s a
different way to fly that we’ve learned from squirrels. So all you need to do is copy what a flying
squirrel does, build a suit called a wing suit and off you go, you can fly like a squirrel
. Now
, most
people, a lot of people, I wouldn’t say everybody but a lot of people think they can’t draw. However
there are some key principles, five principles that you can apply to learning to draw and you can
2
actually learn to draw in five days. So, if you draw like this, you learn these principles for five days
and apply them and after five days you can draw something like this. Now I know this is true
because that was my first drawing and after five days of applying these principles that was what I
was able to do. And I looked at this and I went ‘wow,’ so that’s how I look like when I’m
concentrating so intensely that my brain is exploding.
So, anybody can learn to draw in five days and in the same way, with the same logic, anybody can
learn a second language in six months. How? There are five principles and seven actions. There
may be a few more but these are absolutely core. And before I get into those I just want to talk
about two myths, dispel two myths. The first is that you need talent. Le
t me tell you about Zoe. Zoe
came from Australia, went to Holland, was trying to learn Dutch, struggling
extremely ...
a great deal
and finally people were saying: ‘you’re completely useless,’ ‘you’re not talented,’ ‘give up,’ ‘you’re a
waste of time’ and s
he was very, very depressed. And then she came across these five principles,
she moved to Brazil and she applied them and within six months she was fluent in Portuguese, so
talent doesn’t matter. People also think that immersion in a new country is the way to learn a
language. But look around Hong Kong, look at all the westerners who’ve been here for ten years,
who don’t speak a word of Chinese. Look at all the Chinese living in America, Britain, Australia,
Canada have been there ten, twenty year and they don’t speak any English. Immersion per se does
not work. Why? Because a drowning man cannot learn to swim. When you don’t speak a language
you’re like a baby and if you drop yourself into a context which is all adults talking about stuff over
your head, you won’t learn.
So, what are the five principles that you need
to pay attention to? First:
four words, attention,
meaning, relevance and memory, and these interconnect in very important ways. Especially when
you’re talking about learning. Come with
me on a journey through a forest. You go on a walk
through a forest and you see something like this. Little marks on a tree, maybe you pay attention,
maybe you don’t. You go another fifty meters and you see this. You should be paying attention.
Another fifty meters, if you haven’t been paying attention, you see this. And at this point, you’re
paying attention. And you’ve just learned that this is important, it’s relevant because it means this,
and anything that is related, any information related to
your survival is stuff that you’re going to pay
attention to and therefore you’re going to remember it. If it’s related to your personal goals then
you’re going to pay attention to it, if it’s relevant you’re going to remember it.
So, the first rule, the
first principle for learning a language is focus on language content that is
relevant to you. Which brings us to tools. We master tool
s
by using tools and we learn tools the
fastest when they are relevant to us. So let me share a story. A keyboard is a
tool. Typing Chinese a
certain way, there are methods for this. That’s a tool. I had a colleague many years ago who went to
night school; Tuesday night, Thursday night, two hours each night, practicing at home, she spent
nine months, and she did not learn to type Chinese. And one night we had a crisis. We had forty-eight hours to deliver a training manual in Chinese. And she got the job, and I can guarantee you in
forty-eight hours, she learned to type Chinese because i
t was relevant, it was meaningful, it was
important
, she was using a tool to create value.
So the second tool for learning a language is to use
your language as a tool to communicate right from day one. As a kid does. When I first arrived in
China I didn’t speak a word of Chinese, and on my second week I got to take a train ride overnight. I
spent eight hours sitting in the dining care talking to one of the guards on the train, he took an
interest in me for some reason, and we just chatted all night in Chinese and he was drawing pictures
and making movements with his hands and facial expressions and piece by piece by piece I
understood more and more. But what was really cool, was two weeks later, when people were
talking Chinese around me, I was understanding some of this and I hadn’t even made any effort to
learn that. What had happened, I’d absorbed it that night on the train, which brings us to the third
3
principle. When you first understand the message, then you will acquire the language
unconsciously. And this is really, really
well documented now, it’s something called comprehensible
input and there’s twenty or thirty years of research on this, Stephen Krashen, a leader in the field
has published all sorts of these different studies and this is just from one of them. The purple bars
show the scores on different tests for language. The purple people were people who had learned by
grammar and formal study, the green ones are the ones who learned by comprehensible input. So,
comprehension works. Comprehension is key and language learning is not about accumulating lots
of knowledge. In many, many ways it’s about physiological training. A woman I know from Taiwan
did great at English at school, she got A grades all the way through, went through college, A grades,
went to the US
and found she couldn’t understand what people were saying. And people started
asking her: ‘Are you deaf?’ And she was. English deaf. Because we have filters in our brain that filter
in the sounds that we are familiar with and they filter out the sounds of languages we’re not. And if
you can’t hear it, you won’t understand it and if you can’t understand it, you’re not going to learn it.
So you actually have to be able to hear these sounds. And there are ways to do that but it’s
physiological training.
Speaking takes muscle. You’ve got forty-three muscles in your face, you have
to coordinate those in a way that you make sounds that other people will understand. If you’ve ever
done a new sport for a couple of days, and you
know how your body feels? It
hurts.
If your face is
hurting you’re doing it right.
And the final principle is state. Psycho-physiological state. If you’re sad, angry, worried, upset,
you’re not going to learn. Period. If you’re happy, relaxed, in an Alpha brain state, curious, you’re
going to learn really quickly, and very specifically you need to be tolerant of ambiguity. If you’re one
of those people who needs to understand 100% every word you’re hearing, you will go nuts,
because you’ll be incredibly upset all the time, because you’re not perfect. If you’re comfortable
with getting some, not getting some, just paying attention to what you do understand, you’re going
to be fine, you’ll be relaxed and you’ll be learning quickly. So based on those five principles, what
are the
seven actions that you need to take?
Number one:listen a lot
. I call it Brain Soaking. You put yourself in a context where you’re hearing
tons and tons of a language and it doesn’t matter if you understand it or no
t. You’re listening to the
rhythms
, you’re listening to things that repeat, you’re listening to things that stand out. So, just soak
your brain in this.
The second action: is that you get the meaning first, even before you get the words. You go “Well
how do I
do that, I don’t know the words?
” Well, you understand what these different postures
mean. Human communication is body language in many, many ways, so much body language. From
body language you can understand a lot of communication, therefore, you’re understanding, you’re
acquiring through comprehensible input. And you can also use patterns that you already know. If
you’re a Chinese speaker of Mandarin and Cantonese and you go Vietnam, you will understand 60%
of what they say to you in daily
conversation, because Vietnamese is about 30% Mandarin, 30%
Cantonese.
The third action: start mixing. You probably have never thought of this but if you’ve got ten verbs,
ten nouns and ten adjectives you can say one thousand different things. Language is a creative
process. What do babies do?
Okay:
Me. Bat(h). Now.
Okay, that’s how they communicate. So start
mixing, get creative, have fun with it, it doesn’t have to be perfect
,
it just has to work. And when
you’re doing this you focus on the core.
What does that mean? Well with every
language
there
is
high frequency content. In English
,
1000 words covers 85% of anything you’re ever going to say in
daily communication
. 3000 words gives you 98% of anything you’re going to say in daily
conversation. You got 3000 words, you’re speaking the language. The rest is icing on the cake.
And
4
when you’re just beginning with a new language start with the tool box. Week number one in your
new language you say things like: ‘how do you say that?’ ‘I don’t understand,’ ‘repeat that please,’
‘what does that mean,’ all in your target language. You’re using it as a tool, making it useful to you,
it’s relevant to learn other things about the language. By week two that you should be saying things
like: ‘me,’ ‘this,’ ‘you,’ ‘that,’ ‘give,’ you know, ‘hot,’ simple pronouns, simple nouns, simple verbs,
simple adjectives, communicating like a baby. And by the third or fourth week, you’re getting into
what I call glue words. ‘Although,’ ‘but,’ ‘therefore,’ these are logical transformers that tie bits of a
language together, allowing you to make more complex meaning.
At that point you’re talking. And
when you’re doing that, you should get yourself a language parent. If you look at how children and
parent
s
interact, you’ll understand what this means. When a child is speaking, it’ll be using simple
words, simple combinations, sometimes quite strange, sometimes very strange pronunciation and
other people from outside the family don’t understand it. But the parents do. And so the kid has a
safe environment, gets confidence. The parents talk to the children with body language
and with
simple language
they know the child understands. So we have a comprehensible input environment
that’s safe, we know it works otherwise none of you would speak your mother tongue. So
you get
yourself a language parent, who’s somebody interested in you as a person who will communicate
with you essentially as an equal, but pay attention to help you understand the message. There are
four rules of a language parent. Spouses by the way are not very good at this, okay? But the four
rulesare, first of all, they will work hard to understand what you mean even when you’re way off
beat. Secondly, they will never correct your mistakes. Thirdly they will feed
back their
understanding of what
you are saying so you can respond appropriately and get that feedback and
then they will use words that you know.
The sixth thing you have to do, is copy the face. You got to get the muscles working right, so you can
sound in a way that people will understand you. There’s a couple of things you do. One is that you
hear how it feels, and feel how it sounds which means you have a feedback loop operating in your
face, but ideally
,
if you can look at a native speaker and just observe how they use their face
, let your
unconscious mind absorb the rules, then you’re going to be able to pick it up. And if you can’t get a
native speaker to look at, you can use stuff like this: [slides].
And the final idea here, the final action you need to take is something that I call “direct connect.”
What does this mean? Well most people learning a second language sort of take the mother tongue
words and take the target words and go over them again and again in their mind to try and
remember them. Really inefficient. What
you need to do is realize that everything you know is an
image inside your mind, it’s feelings, if you talk about fire you can smell the smoke you can hear the
crackling, you can see the flames
.
So what you do, is you go into that imagery and all of that
memory
and you come out with another pathway. So I call it ‘same box, different path.’ You come out of that
pathway, you build it over time you become more and more skilled at just connecting the new
sounds to those images that you already have, into that internal representation. And over time you
even become naturally good at that process, that becomes unconscious.
So, there are five principles that you need to work with, seven actions, if you do any of them, you’re
going to improve. And remember these
are things under your control as the learner. Do them all
and you’re going to be fluent in a second language in six months.